The Crisis of Identity Acholi and Journey into the Next Century

Okello Lucima
York University, Faculty of Environmental Studies
355 Leonard Lumbers Building 4700 Keele Street
North York, Ontario, Canada M3J 1P3

Introduction
In this presentation, I overview what I think are factors responsible for past and recurrent sufferings in Acholi. I explore the internal (Acholi) and local national (Uganda) context of our problems. I argue that Acholi have lacked a cohesive self-consciousness (Acholi nationalism) . The lack of Acholi-fellow feeling, or Acholiness, exposes us Acholi as easy prey to manipulative politics, persecution, genocide, and extinction.

The lack of Acholi consciousness has given us a confused and politically constructed identity. I want to argue that many Acholi feel much more strongly and passionately about their Ugandanness, than their Acholiness. I want to argue that our current predicaments are consequences of generations of muddled identity. Acholi needs to, and must get itself out of the present tragedy . In order to do so, Acholi ought to re-examine itself, define itself, identify and set its priorities, goals, and objectives. Acholi would still be ill-prepared for the resolution of its sufferings, if indeed it did not also assert a sense of Acholi selfhood in the minds, feelings, thoughts, dreams, and ambitions of its children. Our love and passion for Acholi must transcend artificial cleavages of party politics, religious sects, and administrative boundaries, as well as the un-natural realities of the Ugandan multi-nationality state.

Our journey into the next century must begin with a definition of who we are, a determination of where we are going, and how we want to get there. In this quest, Acholi unity and solidarity, based upon Acholi nationalism, is the vehicle we need. We need to protect our own, our culture, our wealth and resources, and our environment. Besides our human resources, our land is the most precious resource we have. The livelihood of a majority of our people depends directly on land. The continued use and control of our communal lands will be key to the survival of our people.

Acholi Nationalism/Consciousness
Because we lack a collective, unified Acholi consciousness, politics, religion, selfish individualism, and oppression divided and set us against each other. We never felt any sense of unity, solidarity, and collective cultural doom beyond party politics, religion, regions, family, class, gender and sex. Since 1896, Acholi people have worked tirelessly to serve, protect, and cherish the Ugandan colonial state. In doing so, they also consciously and at times , unconsciously , worked to suppress the development of and passion for Acholi nationalism or nationality consciousness. Many died, many more have died, and will die, protecting and defending regimes and a Ugandan state unresponsive to the sufferings of its citizens.

While other nationalities, or ethnic groups in Uganda sought to protect the specific interests of their people and cultures from the threats of an independent, unitary Ugandan multinationality state, Acholi leadership then and now was content to throw its lot with a unitary system of governance. Since a unitary, republican system of governance threatened the traditional rulers and way of life of other cultures, many became to perceive the Acholi as their enemies, and hated us as people who had nothing of our own to protect from the Ugandan nation-state monster. While they were certainly wrong to perceive us as enemies, they were absolutely right on about the Ugandan nation-state monster, it indeed devoured its own children.

For their foresight, their cultures and ways of life got constitutional protection. But for us, we whiled our time and energies away on national unity. We let Acholi drift and toss like a rudderless boat on the high seas of nationhood. And today, while those who foresaw the dangers of Ugandan nationalism reap the benefit of nation-statehood, we are struggling with self-pity and identity crisis. Are we really Acholi or Ugandans? or are we both? If yes and yes, why are we treated so shabbily?

Our identity crisis has become as puzzling as the egg and chicken question. Which one came first, the egg, or the chicken? And imperatively, which one comes first, Acholi or Uganda? To hear Acholi leaders talk of it, it seems that they should get credit for finally cracking that age-old egg and chicken puzzle. Talking about the misery and trauma of war and the need for respite for suffering Acholi, one of its eminent sons said, and I quote:
'the PEOPLE OF UGANDA, through their members of parliament, HAVE REJECTED talks', between Uganda government and Kony. Note that Acholi people have asked for peace talks. note also that Acholi parliamentarians have asked for a negotiated, political settlement. But by this logic, it seems that Atoll people are not Ugandans. It is also apparent that government can listen to other nationalities and their MPs, but not Atoll and theirs.Therefore, if Atoll cannot influence policies when others can through their MPs, either Atoll are not Ugandans, or something is acutely wrong.

Acholi and Ugandan Nation - State Politics. Politics in Uganda has revolved around the manipulation, persecution and massacre of the Atoll people. Either they have done it, or it is being done to them. The crisis of Atoll identity has been worsened by the burden of guilt we have been forced to bear on behalf of the Ugandan state and successive regimes. Acholi has been equated with the Ugandan state. Objective historical Acholi numerical superiority in successive Ugandan armies has been translated into Acholi terror .

No one seems to care that the Acholi in the army served their state and government loyally, and provided the security and stability under which our persecutors were able to accumulate massive wealth while Acholi had pittance. No one also wants to recognise that the architects of state security and government policies were politicians who were not from Acholi, and must be the ones accountable for the previous acts of state and government policies. Yet nationalities that dominated the civil service did not share the blame for the corruption and theft that characterised the bureaucratic arm of government and state. Instead, it was attributed to the regimes, not the men and women of the civil service and their nationalities.

For these reasons, I tend to believe that the Museveni dictatorship planned the massacres and torture of Acholi as a political programme of his regime. For he is not as so stupid as to not recognise the distinction that should have been made in these two similar cases. Acholi and its leadership must wake up now.

My Dreams for KM and Acholi.
In my personal reflection, the spirit of KM is bigger than Madi Opei. It is bigger than Kitgum. It is bigger than Gulu. It is bigger than APG, and it is bigger than ADA. It is therefore, bigger than any Acholi individual, whomsoever he or she is. Because, the spirit of KM is the spirit of Acholi. And Acholi ought to be bigger than a Uganda , a state, a government, and a country that has no place for Acholi people and their welfare. I want to take a departure from what we have so far heard in here. WHAT HAPPENS IF TODAY BOTH THE LRM/A AND THE NRM/A LED GOVERNMENT OF UGANDA CEASE HOSTILITIES IN ACHOLI AND RELATIVE SECURITY RETURNS?

Unlike many of us, including the APG, I do not look to the end of the war in Acholi as an end in itself. If the war were to end today, and all that the Acholi have to do is count their losses and rejoin their Ugandan brothers and sisters in nation-building, a return to the status quo, without new measures and guarantees that none of our people will go through such trauma again in the foreseeable future, I would rather the war did not end and we all perish now without having to face another one.

We have all hinted at peaceful resolution. But we have not gone into what must be put in place to ensure that there will be a capacity and capability to prevent another Acholi holocaust without having to beg and entreat disinterested leaders like Museveni to negotiate, please negotiate and save Acholi? I want to impress upon my Acholi brothers and sisters generally, and my generation particularly, that Acholi needs to chart a new course in its journey into the next century. Crucial questions about our continued association partnership in the Ugandan polity and nationhood must be asked.

A return to the status quo should no longer be acceptable to all serious minded Acholi. It is no longer an option. It has killed too many Acholi for too long. We need to create a political community where we are free to be who we are, and able to make input into public policies that affect our lives. The status quo has not worked for us in the past 25 years, and there is no convincing reason to believe that it will after the war. We must consciously seek to create for ourselves and Acholi posterity, institutions that will ensure our security, promote our culture, and cultivate community and a zealous Acholi fellow-feeling. Acholi must start the march on a new path. We must be willing to commit ourselves to a brighter , peaceful and secure future for our Acholi posterity. But I know, you know, we know, and they know that we cannot even talk of a tomorrow, let alone a future, without the end of war in our motherland.

Acholi must take matters into their hands. Both the government of Uganda and the Lord's Resistance Movement have not demonstrated that either of them is on our side. None of them is interested in the safety and security of civilian life, property, and the survival of Acholi as a people. We have been tortured, maimed and killed. We have been made perpetual prisoners in our own homes and land. The presence of maimed Acholi here today, and the continued flow of fresh blood in Kitgum and Gulu demonstrates that the government of Uganda, a dejure state of Uganda, has failed to secure and ensure the safety and security of life and property, and the integrity of its territorial borders. Government recognition of LRA rebel presence in Acholi, coupled with government and state inability to provide protection for Acholi people from LRA or UPDF torture and killings forces the conclusion that we Acholi are left at the mercy of God, and we must resort to self-help. It is no secret to us, including the APG, that high level government officials, politicians, army commanders, journalist and any Tom and Harry pundits have commented that the rebellion is the responsibility of Acholi.

But all these statesmen and analysts forget that there is a legitimate Ugandan state and government, which must protect the integrity of its borders, and safety and security of life and property of all its citizens. Such a duty and responsibility is the foundation of the delegation of popular sovereignty to a state. Has the government of Uganda therefore failed the fundamental test for its existence? If so, the Acholi should be free to withdraw from that contract with the state and government of Uganda, and to seek political community where their fundamental rights and freedoms can be protected.

What Is To Be Done?

The way to lasting and sustainable peace and prosperity lies in our popular and unanimous resolve for peace, and a re-definition of our association life with the Ugandan state, and control over our resources. As a condition for peace, and to ensure our future security and guarantee that we have input in public policies that affect our life as Acholi, I propose that:

Given the history of peace talks and political pacts in Uganda, no one can be trusted anymore. From the Nairobi Peace Talks to the Kony-Bigombe initiatives of 1994, many Acholi have been lured and killed. It is necessary therefore to go beyond cessation of hostility. We ought to demand a new Uganda, a Uganda that recognises the rights of people to exist as distinct ethnic, linguistic, and cultural entities that are autonomous and self-determining. We should demand that: The LRA and the Ugandan government reach a political settlement as quickly as possible . constitutional amendment to grant federal status to Acholi as a basis for peace. immediate rescindment of whatever Uganda government/SPLA agreement, and fresh negotiations entered into involving political leadership from Gulu and Kitgum.

Government and UNHCR confine Sudanese refugees to specified camps. Immediate reduction in UPDF deployment in Acholi and their redeployment to barracks and borders detaches outside cities and towns in Acholi. Withdrawal of all central government political appointments in Acholi, and fresh appointments be made on recommendation of respective district councils and Acholi Parliamentary committee. Constitutional recognition of Acholi customary communal land ownership regimes, grazing, and hunting commons. The portfolios for lands, minerals and natural resources, and that of tourism must be abolished and control given to regions.

Devolution of power from the centre to the regions. Should these conditions not be met, complete autonomy and self-determination should be asserted as the only option left to secure and guarantee Acholi security and prosperity. Should peace, political and constitutional means fail, we have no other recourse but to armed struggle.

To conclude, I would like to paraphrase a renowned black feminist and lesbian intellectual, writer, poet, straggliest, the late Audre Lorde (Scratching the surface: Some notes on barriers to women and loving, " The Black Scholar 9, 7 (1978) in Allison Jaggar (ed.), Living with Contradictions: Controversies in feminist social ethics, Westview Press, Boulder (p. 491) that: For Acholi people , it is axiomatic that if we do not define ourselves, we will be defined by others - for their use and to our detriment. The development of self-defined Acholi people, ready to explore and pursue our power and interests within our communities, is a vital component in the war for Acholi liberation. When Acholi people come together to examine our sources of strength and support, and to recognise our common social, cultural, emotional and political interests, it is a development which can only contribute to the power of Acholi people. It can never certainly never diminish it.